[1] M. V. Yudina, 1978, p. 253.[2] D. Shostakovich, 1967, pp. 62, 64.
[3] Soviet Music, 1989, No. 6, p. 89.
[4] In 1989, the French magazine Le Monde de la Musique was forced to admit: "Two decades had to pass after the end of the war for Shostakovich's music to be even slightly rehabilitated in the eyes of the Western musical world; and then only after learning of new aspects of his powerful creative personality." (Soviet Music, 1989, No. 9, p. 54.)
[5] Arnold Schoenberg, Letters, Mainz, 1958, p. 231.
[6] Igor Stravinsky: publicist and interlocutor, 1988, p. 125.
[7] Vishnevskaya."Solzhenitsyn and Rostropovich". Youth, 1989, No. 7, p. 82.
[8] Novoe Vremya, 1956, No. 6, p. 29.
[9] From Zhitomirsky's translation from the German edition (Zeugenaussage).
[10] Isaac Glikman. "I'll go on writing music, all the same." Soviet Music (1989), No. 9, p. 47.
[11] Conference on the Activities of Soviet Musicians, Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (6), Moscow, 1948, p. 97 (speech by Viktor Belyi).
[12] First All-Union Congress of Soviet Composers. Shorthand notes. Moscow, 1948, pp. 40-43 (speech by Tikhon Khrennikov).
[13] L. N. Tolstoy. Collected Works. Moscow, 1948, Volume 12, pp. 237-38.
[14] Soviet Russia, 2nd April 1968.
[15] Muradeli was unlucky - or, rather, extremely lucky, since the Revolution brought him greater fame than he could otherwise have dared dream of - for a special reason. Stalin didn't like his opera. Firstly, the libretto contradicted Stalin's line on Caucasian politics. Secondly... but better to let Shostakovich tell the story: "The main problem was the lezhginka. The opera portrayed life in the Caucasus, so naturally it was crammed full of national songs and dances. Stalin, of course, was expecting to hear his favourite local tunes. Instead, he heard this lezhginka which Muradeli, in a fit of absent-mindedness, had made up himself. And it was this "original" lezhginka that threw Stalin into a temper... Muradeli began putting in appearances at various work places and social organisations. He went before the people and repented his sins: I was a so-and-so and such-and-such, a formalist, a cosmopolitan, and what's more I wrote a rotten lezhginka. But, in the nick of time, the Party showed me the way, and now I, Muradeli, the former formalist and cosmopolitan, have stepped onto the righteous road of progressive realistic creativity. And, furthermore, in future I am determined to write lezhginkas fully worthy of the auspicious epoch in which we live!" (Zeugenaussage, p. 164.)
[16] First All-Union Congress of Soviet Composers, p.304.
[17] Conference on the Activities of Soviet Musicians, p. 20.
[18] First All-Union Congress of Soviet Composers, p. 359.
[19] As Secretary of the Central Committee, Dmitri Shepilov oversaw the Second Composers' Congress in March 1957, which confirmed the conclusions arrived at by the First Congress in January 1948. Shortly afterwards, he was himself purged. (Ed.)
[20] Zeugenaussage, pp. 166-7.
[21] Zeugenaussage, pp. 167-8.
[22] From the collection D. Shostakovich, About Himself and His Times, Moscow, 1980, p. 136. There is an amusing anecdote in connection with "formalism", dating from 1959. During the state exam at the Moscow Conservatoire, a student, sitting right in front of the President of the Examining Board, Dmitri Shostakovich, was relating how formalism had been exterminated in 1948, and this extermination "corrected" in 1958. While the student was obviously highly embarrassed, Shostakovich maintained an irreproachably straight face throughout, only towards the end betraying his amusement with a slight but perceptible quiver of his lips.
[23] Zeugenaussage, p. 162.
[24] Kondrashin. "Preparations for the première of the Thirteenth Symphony: working with Shostakovich." Musikalnaya Zhizn, 1989, No. 17.
[25] Soviet Russia, note 14.
[26] "On correcting Errors in the Appraisal of the Operas The Great Friendship, Bogdan Khmelinsky, and From the Bottom of My Heart." Party Resolution dated 18th May 1958.
[27] Zeugenaussage, pp. 157, 174-5.
[28] A reference to Bulgakov.(Ed.)
[29] "Aesopian language". A standard Russian phrase signifying cryptic, symbolic speech. (Ed.)
[30] Zeugenaussage, pp. 121-22.
[31] Shorthand report, p. 345.
[32] Moskovoskaya Pravda, 24th April 1958.
[33] Zeugenaussage, p. 223.
[34] Dmitri Rabinovich. Dmitri Shostakovich - Composer. 1959, p. 96.
[35] Orlov. Shostakovich's Symphonies. Moscow, 1961-2, p. 221.
[36] Zeugenaussage, p. 161.
[37] Zeugenaussage, pp. 204, 218.
[38] I still have in my archive some of the articles I wrote for Shostakovich: a speech at the bicentenary of Bach's death (Leipzig, 1950); a similar one for an occasion dedicated to Beethoven (Berlin l952); an article entitled, "On some Vital Questions concerning the Musical Creative Process - notes made by a composer" (Pravda, l7th June l956); and a speech at the Second Congress of Composers (lst April l957).
[39] Shostakovich once spoke, with the greatest respect, about a quite remarkable deed by the pianist Maria Yudina. Stalin had taken a shine to a particular Mozart piano concerto (No. 23) which he heard her play on the radio. Having received a specially made copy of this performance from the Radiokomitet, the Leader ordered her to be sent 20,000 roubles. Maria Veniaminova's reply was as follows: "I am very grateful, Iosef Vissarionovich, for your help. I will pray night and day for you and beg God to forgive you your sins against your people and country. God is merciful, he'll forgive. As for the money, I shall give it to a charity at the church I go to." (Zeugenaussage, p. 2l3.) Shostakovich rightly called this letter "suicidal". The warrant for Yudina's arrest was duly prepared, but on this occasion, for some reason, Stalin did not sign it.
[40] Vishnevskaya. "Solzhenitsyn and Rostropovich." Yunost, l989, No. 7, p. 82.